June 4, 1996

Editorial: Protect Bosnia's Election

t is abundantly clear that there will not be ideal conditions for free and fair national elections in Bosnia come September.

It is equally apparent that the United States and other countries with troops in Bosnia have no desire to postpone that election date. Delay would mean that NATO would have to end its military mission without elections or postpone its withdrawal until next year or later.

So it was not surprising to hear Secretary of State Warren Christopher declare on Sunday that the voting will proceed on schedule. Encouragingly, Mr. Christopher also said that NATO would use the next three and a half months to improve election conditions by more aggressively looking for those indicted as war criminals and more decisively acting to assure civilians the freedom of movement the Dayton peace agreement promised.

What Mr. Christopher promises is appropriate, achievable and essential to the success of the Dayton agreement. The American public will judge success in Bosnia not just by whether President Clinton withdraws United States troops on schedule and with minimal casualties, but also by whether their presence helps Bosnia overcome its divisions and prepare for a more tolerant and peaceful future.

The elections will choose a three-member presidency and national parliament drawn from constituencies throughout Bosnia. These institutions are intended to preserve the constitutional formality of a single Bosnian state. While their powers will be minimal, the presidency and parliament will fulfill Dayton's promise to permit a future reunification of Bosnia if its people so choose.

But the prospects for meaningful elections are now threatened by organized campaigns of intimidation waged by the various ethnic nationalist parties dominating their respective regions, particularly the Bosnian Serb political and military leadership controlled by Radovan Karadzic and Gen. Ratko Mladic. Serbian, Croatian and Muslim forces alike have blocked refugees from returning to their former homes, threatening to lock in the population transfers forced during the war. Independent candidates, particularly in Bosnian Serb areas, have been silenced by tightly controlled media.

These problems cannot be eliminated by September, but they can be reduced. The primary purpose of the 12-month international presence in Bosnia is to give Bosnians a chance to reclaim their country from the ethnic separatists who drove it to the brink of destruction. Keeping those separatists from hijacking the election is a crucial part of that mission. NATO forces, which have completed most of their military tasks, can now shift their efforts toward protecting the election.

They can knock down roadblocks. They can escort refugees home to register to vote. They can make it impossible for people indicted for war crimes, like Mr. Karadzic and General Mladic, to appear in public without fear of arrest. Mr. Christopher has correctly concluded that Serbia's President, Slobodan Milosevic, is not ready to live up to his promises to move against the two Bosnian Serb leaders and has asked NATO to sharpen its lookout for both men.

Mr. Christopher says that Gen. George Joulwan, the American NATO commander, endorses more active patrolling. But yesterday, Pentagon officials said there would be no change. President Clinton must make sure that Mr. Christopher's commitment is honored.

There are Serbian, Croatian and Muslim politicians opposed to ethnic apartheid who promise to work for a reunited Bosnia. No one knows how much public support they enjoy. The way to find out is by holding internationally supervised, NATO-protected elections.